by Patrick J. Buchanan
Originally from LewRockwell.com
Now that Congress is back from spring break and looking ahead to
Memorial Day, July 4th, the August recess and adjournment early in
October for elections, perhaps it can take up this question.
Does President Bush have, or not have, the authority to take us to war
with Iran? Because Bush and the War Party are surely behaving as though
this were an executive decision alone.
No sooner had President Ahmadinejad declared that his country had enriched a speck of uranium than the war drums began again.
Bush has said of Iran that even "a process which would enable Iran to
develop a nuclear weapon is unacceptable." John McCain has said too
many times to count, "The military option is on the table." The 2006
National Security Strategy re-endorses preventive war and elevates Iran
to the No. 1 threat to the United States.
This is not enough for The Weekly Standard, which equates our situation
with that of France in 1936, when Paris sat immobile while Hitler
marched three lightly armed battalions back into the German Rhineland,
which had been demilitarized by the Versailles Treaty.
"To Bomb or Not to Bomb, That Is the Iran Question," is the title of an
extended piece in the Standard, whose editorial calls for "urgent
operational planning for bombing strikes." As that would likely ignite
Shia and Revolutionary Guard terror attacks on U.S. troops in Iraq, the
Standard wants Bush to send more troops.
In an editorial "Iran Now," National Review is already into target
acquisition. It calls for plans for a massive bombing campaign "coupled
with an aggressive and persistent efforts to topple the regime from
within." Ideally, U.S. bombs "should hit not just the nuclear
facilities, but also the symbols of state oppression: the intelligence
ministry, the headquarters of the Revolutionary Guard, the guard towers
of the notorious Evin Prison."
In The Washington Post, Mark Helprin, who is identified as having
"served in the Israeli army and air force," says "the obvious option is
an aerial campaign to divest Iran of its nuclear potential: i.e., clear
the Persian Gulf of Iranian naval forces, scrub anti-ship missiles from
the shore and lay open antiaircraft-free corridors to each target. ...
Were the targets effectively hidden or buried, Iran could be shut down,
coerced and perhaps revolutionized by the simple and rapid destruction
of its oil production and transport."
Since Muslims may not like what we are up to, Helprin cautions, we
should prepare "for a land route from the Mediterranean across Israel
and Jordan to the Tigris and Euphrates," and, presumably, from there
the final push on to Tehran.
In all this hawk talk, something is missing. We are not told how many
innocent Iranians we will have to kill as we go about smashing their
nuclear program and defenses. Nor are we told how many more soldiers we
will need for the neocons' new war, nor how long they will have to
fight, nor how many more wings we should plan for at Walter Reed, nor
when it will be over - if ever.
Moreover, where does Bush get the authority to launch a war on a nation
that has not attacked us? As few believe Iran is close to a nuclear
weapon, while four neighbors - Russia, India, Pakistan and Israel, not
to mention the United States - already have the bomb, what is America's
justification for war?
If we sat by while Stalin got the bomb, and Mao got the bomb, and Kim
Jong-Il got the bomb, why is an Iranian bomb a threat to the United
States, which possesses thousands?
There is a reason the Founding Fathers separated the power to conduct
war from the power to declare it. The reason is just such a ruler as
George W. Bush, a man possessed of an ideology and sense of mission
that are not necessarily coterminous with what is best for his country.
Under our Constitution, it is Congress, not the president, who decides
on war.
Many Democrats now concede they failed the nation when they took Bush
at his word that Iraq was an intolerable threat that could be dealt
with only by an invasion. Now, Bush and the War Party are telling us
the same thing about Iran. And the Congress is conducting itself in the
same contemptible and cowardly way.
It is time for Congress to tell President Bush directly that he has no
authority to go to war on Iran and to launch such a war would be an
impeachable offense. Or, if they so conclude, Congress should share
full responsibility by granting him that authority after it has held
hearings and told the people why we have no other choice than another
Mideast war, with a nation four times as large as Iraq.
If Congress lacks the courage to do its constitutional duty, it should
stop whining about imperial presidents. Because, like the Roman Senate
of Caesar's time, it will have invited them and it will deserve them.
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